As an additional ripple effect of the crisis that engulfed the Justicialist Party (PJ) following its electoral defeat in 2023, the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) is experiencing a lack of consensus in its call for the third general strike against Javier Milei’s administration. Although the leadership triumvirate claimed the decision was unanimous, the organization of this Thursday’s strike encountered unexpected detractors within the labor confederation itself. These divisions are emerging just as the clock starts ticking toward the leadership renewal, scheduled for October or November of this year.
“I don’t agree because there was no formal meeting. It was only announced by the spokesperson [Héctor] Daer,” Luis Barrionuevo told La Nación, distancing himself from the strike call made by Daer, one of the members of the CGT’s leadership triumvirate alongside truck driver Octavio Argüello and Carlos Acuña, who was once Barrionuevo’s ally in the confederation. The snub from the gastronomic union leader, who maintains ties with the libertarian administration, didn’t even resonate within his own union, as Argentino Geneiro, his representative on the CGT’s executive council, joined the protest.
A similar situation unfolded with another veteran unionist. Armando Cavalieri, nearing 90 years old, made it clear he’s unwilling to confront the government. The head of the Commerce Workers’ Union conspicuously skipped all the meetings where the 24-hour strike was planned, though it includes a preliminary action on Wednesday—a mobilization to Congress to demand an emergency increase for retirees.
Gerardo Martínez (Uocra) and Andrés Rodríguez (UPCN), leaders of the self-styled “independents” faction with good ties to the government, visited Roberto Fernández yesterday at the headquarters of the Automotive Transport Union (UTA). They sought to convince him to have bus drivers join the CGT strike. “I will respect the mandatory conciliation,” Fernández told them. The meeting lasted less than an hour. Neither of the two CGT leaders sensed any willingness from Fernández to strain his relationship with the Casa Rosada, which provides millions of pesos monthly in subsidies to keep bus fares in check in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area (AMBA).
Nearly two weeks ago, the Labor Secretariat issued a mandatory conciliation order in the sectoral dispute between the UTA and transportation companies, aiming to prevent the union from joining the strike. The conflict pertains to the AMBA, so Fernández could, if he chose, call for participation in the interior regions. But he won’t, according to reliable sources. Beyond legal arguments, Fernández’s decision has another motive: money and business interests. Last week, the Superintendence of Health Services (SSS) conducted a surprise audit of the UTA’s health fund, which, like all union-run medical providers, is grappling with a financial crisis. The health fund for passenger bus drivers is managed by Silvia Antonia Bevk, Fernández’s wife, with other family members also on the payroll. A similar concern weighs on Hugo Moyano, who is juggling the truck drivers’ health fund—also in crisis and managed by his wife, Liliana Zulet. This may explain why the truckers’ leader accepted a wage deal with monthly increases of just 1%, despite one of the strike’s main demands being opposition to caps on salary negotiations. Unlike previous strikes, the Truckers’ Union is playing a more passive role this time and isn’t deeply involved in organizing the action.
Renewal and the Day After the Strike
The internal frictions within the CGT are surfacing with roughly six months left until the leadership renewal. The biggest question now is whether a single leader will emerge to unite all the factions under one roof or if the triumvirate model will persist for a third consecutive term. Daer, a key figure in the “Fat Cats” (large service unions), reportedly has no ambition to remain at the helm of the CGT. He has already told other leaders that a change is necessary. Acuña, who is facing health challenges, and Argüello, a Moyano loyalist, are also unlikely to continue. Among the potential candidates are Jorge Sola, head of the Insurance Workers’ Union, who is gaining support among “independents” and former Moyano allies, and Daniel Vila, a Barrionuevo ally from the Loading and Unloading Union, which represents workers at Mercado Libre and recently won a legal battle against the Moyano faction over the classification of the e-commerce giant’s employees.
Beyond this renewal process, the CGT is already planning for the day after the strike. A group of leaders has begun building bridges with business leaders from the Group of Six (Argentine Industrial Union, Construction Chamber, Argentine Banking Association, Buenos Aires Stock Exchange, Chamber of Commerce, and Rural Society) and the government to push an agenda focused on “production and work.” Concerns among these sectors have intensified due to fears of a recession impacting employment, especially following the tariff measure imposed by the United States.